范文讲解英语怎么说 第一篇

't be a yes /no man , be a good lieutenant。

不要做一个“唯唯诺诺者/否定论者”，做一个“优秀的中尉”(注：有朋友建议翻译成：优秀的助手)。

Offer polite, constructive criticism, and do your best to see how your boss's plans are feasible。

有礼貌地提出建设性意见，并尽可能看到你上司的方案的可行性。

your realistic deadlines告诉上司现实的截止日期

Give yourself a bit of extra time to get the job done properly, and if you get things done early, the boss will be impressed。

应当稍微高估完成既定任务需要花费的时间，并且，如果你“提前”完成任务，上司会对你印象深刻。

problems solved early 提前解决问题

Let your boss know immediately about any problems that crop up, he will be grateful if you give him enough time to solve it。

立刻让你的上司知道任何突然出现的问题，要是你给上司足够的时间来解决这些问题，他/她会很感激。

4. Personal appearance is important。个人形象很重要!

Dress professionally, keep a breath mint and comb handy, and make a clean and well-organized work station。

永远专业着装、随身带薄荷糖和梳子，保持一个清洁并摆放整齐的工作场所。

the initiative 积极主动

If you see there is room for improvement, write a proposal and float the idea to your boss。

如果你发现其中的改进空间，那么，写下建议并把想法告诉上司。

your boss's time 尊重上司的时间

Don't bother your boss if he is on phone or is elbows deep in work, and try to solve the problem if you can solve it yourself。

如果你的上司在打电话或者专心工作，最好重新考虑你要找他/她处理的问题的紧急程度，不要在你自己可以解决的小问题上浪费上司的时间。

on your boss's unpleasant tasks 接受上司指派的让人不愉快的任务

Volunteer to take on the nasty tasks that annoy your boss。

主动接手这些任务，你的上司会因为从这些繁杂事里脱身而心怀感激。

up at meeting在会议上大声发言

Try to have at least one well-informed opinion about the task at hand。

每次开会时，尽力对正在进行的任务提出至少一点信息可取的意见。

your boss at ease让你的上司放松

Make a note of anything you and the boss have in common, and conduct a good relationship with your boss and co-workers。

记下你与上司之间的所有共同点，并且与你的老板和同事建立融洽的关系。

your shortcomings 认识自己的短处

Always be willing to learn a new skill to increase your personal effectives。

永远要乐于学习新技能，提升你的个人效力。

By following these 10 guidelines, you can build a healthy, productive relationship with your boss. And once you're on the boss's good side, it won't be long before he or she will tip off higher management about your talent and good attitude. And with any luck, it will be someone else following these 10 guidelines and trying to impress you。

藉由以上10项方针，你可以与你的上司建立一个健康的、有成效的关系。一旦你的上司对你有好的认同感，不久后他(她)将会对你的才能与良好态度提供更高的管理职位。如果有幸，会有另一个人遵循这十项方针并试着给你留下好印象。

1.英语话解说十种职场“潜规则”

2.职场经验之职场的潜规则

3.备战职场_女性职场潜规则

4.关于职场的潜规则

5.职场加薪潜规则

6.职场晋升潜规则

7.关于职场必知的潜规则

8.职场新人如何读懂职场潜规则

9.职场新潜规则：加班

10.职场女性的爱情“潜规则”

范文讲解英语怎么说 第二篇

winter solstice

/ˋsɑlstɪs/ 冬至

winter solstice

冬至，是农历二十四个节气之一，在公历十二月二十二日左右，这天北半球黑夜最长，白天最短。民间称冬至节为“过小年”，有的地区认为此节的隆重程度与过新年一样，所以说“冬至大如年”。甚至还有“肥东瘦年”的说法，由此可见民间对冬至节的重视了。

The Winter Solstice: one of the twenty-four solar terms. It is around 22nd December of the solar year. On that day in the northern hemisphere, the night is the longest and the day the shortest in the whole year. The Winter Solstice is popularly called the “Small New Year”. In some areas people think the Winter Solstice should be celebrated as grandly as the New Year. Thus, the saying goes, “Fat Winter Solstice and lean New Year” This shows the importance people attach to the Winter Solstice.

古人认为自冬至起，白昼一天比一天长，阳气回升，天地阳气开始兴做渐强，代表下一个循环开始。

The Chinese celebration of the winter solstice, Dongzhi (which means “Winter Arrives”) welcomes the return of longer nights and blessing of good health and prosperity.

冬至是我国重要的节日，民间有“冬至大过年”之说，也有吃了冬至夜饭长一岁的说法，俗称“添岁”。古时候，农民和渔民会在冬至这天休息与家人团聚，一起享用丰盛的一餐。

The festival has its own significance for many people, and is believed to be the day when everyone gets one year older. Although the festival isn't an official holiday in China, historically farmers and fishermen would take time off from work and reunite with their families with a lavish meal. Today, it is an occasion for families to join together to celebrate the year that has passed and share good wishes for the year to come.

南方人冬至要吃汤圆，寓意团团圆圆;而北方人则喜欢吃饺子，有着“十月一，冬至到，家家户户吃水饺”的谚语，还有“吃了冬至饺子不冻耳朵”的说法。

The most traditional food for this celebration in southern China is the glutinous rice balls known as tangyuan, often brightly colored and cooked in sweet or savory broth. Northern Chinese enjoy plain or meat-stuffed dumplings, a particularly warming and nourishing food for a midwinter celebration.

范文讲解英语怎么说 第三篇

Zodiac poster director: Jackie Chan, screenwriter: Starring: Jackie Chan / Stanley / Tang Yingnian / Francis: Jackie Chan / Quan Xiangyu, Liao Fan, Xing, Tongyao / Lanxin / Millennium Zhang Na / missing / Wu Yanzu, Shuqi / Li Zongsheng / Chen / Lu Huiguang / Asano felicik / Bai Bing / Lin type: action / Adventure producer country / region: China / Hong Kong Language: English / Mandarin / Cantonese / Spanish international grand JC Chen and his rightist man, Quan David (blue heart)) has stolen all kinds of treasures all over the world, not for the sake of ideals and beliefs, but for money. They began to steal the animal heads of Yuanmingyuan. In the process, JC met the pampered Countess Catherine (Bailu lauraveeck) and the cultural relics expert coco (Xingtong Yao nationality) who had been protecting the national treasure.

They exhibited with many branches In the process of searching for treasure, JC's national treasure has been protected, and his pure heart has gradually awakened in the last guard's dragon fight. JC's Chinese zodiac, which succesully jumped to the crater of Vanuatu at the risk of his life, is Jackie Chan's film or Jackie Chan's last action movie.

中文翻译：

《十二生肖》海报导演：成龙编剧：主演：成龙/斯坦利/唐英年/弗朗西斯：成龙/权相宇廖凡邢彤瑶/蓝心/千年张娜/失踪/吴彦祖，舒琪/李宗盛/陈/卢惠光/阿萨诺费利西克//林类型：动作/冒险制片人/地区：中国/语言：英语/普通话/粤语/西班牙语国际大JC（陈）和他的男子西蒙（quan David（蓝心））已在世界各地窃取各种珍宝，不是为了理想信念，只是为了钱一个机会，他们开始偷丢失圆明园的兽首，并在这个过程中，JC遇到了娇生惯养的凯瑟琳伯爵夫人（白露·维斯贝克）和保护宝藏的文物鉴定专家可可（行通瑶族他们携多支展开了惊心动魄的印第安纳法式城堡探险、太平洋探险之旅，在寻宝的过程中，JC国宝得到了保护纯真的心也在上一次卫士龙争虎斗中逐渐觉醒，JC不惜冒着生命危险，成功跳到瓦努阿图火山口的中国十二生肖是成龙的电影，也可能是成龙最后的一部动作片。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第四篇

Hello, everyone!

My name is .My Chinese name is xxx . I am very glad to join you in this class.

I just graduated from senior high school. I like Britain very much, so if I could study in Britain one day, I would be very happy. But my English is not very good now. So I'd like to improve my English in this class. And very glad to see our teacher Mr/Mrs .

Thank you.

范文讲解英语怎么说 第五篇

一、凭着真诚，赢得听众

演讲者必须以真诚和魅力来感染听众。要使听众信服，在演讲的过程中须表现出一种真挚的感情和人格魅力。古罗马知名的雄辩家昆提连说，演说家是“一个精于讲话的好人。”他说的是真诚与性格。这是达到演讲效果的必要素质，是无可取代的。皮尔旁·摩根认为，获取听众信任和获取听众对自己的信心的方法是-性格。

xxx·伍柯特说:“一个人说话时的那种真诚，令他的声音焕发出真实的异彩，那是虚伪矫饰者所假装不了的。”正因为如此，如果你的谈话是为了说服别人，尤其需要以真诚笃信的态度来表达自己的思想。

那么，我们只有先说服自己，然后才能设法说服别人。

二、获取听众的共鸣

如果有人真心地说“不”时，他所做的就不止是说“不”这么简单了。

他的身体、神经、肌肉都把自己收紧起来，进入一种拒绝接受的状态。可是，当一个人真诚地说“是”时，整个身体都处在一种开敞、接纳、前进的态度中。因此.

要获得听众的共鸣，演讲者必须从一开始就诱发听众的认同，认同感越大，就越有可能抓住听众的注意力，为终的建议打下基础。如何一开口就诱使他人认同你呢?那就获取“是”的赞同态度吧!这种“是”的赞同态度，其技巧其实非常简单，可是却很容易为人们所忽视。

“我展开并赢得一场议论的方式，”林肯讲述其中的秘诀是，“先找到一个共同的赞同点。”即使在讨论有争议的奴隶问题时，他也能找到这种共同的赞同点。

中立性报纸《明镜》在报道一场他的讲演时这样叙述:

“在前半小时里，他的反对者几乎同意他所说的每个观点。之后，他便一步步领着他们往前走，直到后他把他们全都引人自己的栏圈里”。如果演讲者只是与听众争辩，将使他们更加固守自己的想法，对演讲效果而言毫无意义。

如果演讲者从一开始就强调一些大家都认同的事情，然后再举出一个适当的问题，给听众设置悬念，接着再引导听众一起去热烈地追寻答案。这是否会有利许多?在追寻问题的过程中，你举出十分清楚的事实，他们便会被你所引导，进而接受你的高论。对于人们自己所发现的事实，他们会有更多的信心。相信这一招会很有用，不信试试看。

三、以热情来感染听众

当演讲者以热情的、充满感染力的语言来陈述时，听众很少会产生否定的想法。如果你的目标在于说服众人，那么“动之以情”与“发之思想”相比，前者效果更大。而要感染听众，必先让自己充满热情。倘若一个演讲者只是编造精妙的词句、佣有和谐的声音和优雅的手势，却不能真诚讲述，便无法感染听众。

在进行说服性演讲时，演讲者的言行决定了听众的态度。如果表情冷淡，就会像亨利·华德所说的那样:“当听众们昏昏睡去时，只有一件事可做:给招待员一把尖棒让他去狠刺演讲者。”

在演讲中仅仅运用理智是不够的，你不

展现出对自己信念的诚挚与热情是没有说服力的。

站在讲台上，当演讲者与听众进行目光交流，你的精神经由双眼而散发出亮光，由声音而四面辐射，并经由态度而自我抒情，此时它便与听众产生沟通，使听众信服。

四、展示你对听众的尊敬与关爱

对于演讲者来说，不论你给予别人的是尊敬还是蔑视，别人都会照价还给你。

五、从友善的态度开始

想让听众更容易接受和信服你的演讲，从友善的态度开始，它能为你开启演讲成功之门。

在进行说服性演讲或与你意见相左的人交谈时，我们的问题在于:若只是想把自己的意念灌进听众心中，只会让听众产生相反和对立的想法。那些擅于尊重别人的人，则会受人欢迎，并深刻地影响听众。如果你想要成为一名受欢迎的演讲者，说服那些与你意见相左的人，请记住威尔逊总统的话:

“如果你对我说:‘让我们坐下来谈谈吧。倘若彼此意见相左，也让我们有个充分了解的机会。让我们知道问题出在哪里，是因为什么理由而产生分歧。’这样，我们就会发现彼此之间的距离并不远，分歧甚少，共同点倒是很多。我们将会发现，只要有耐心、有诚意、有合作的愿望，聚合的愿望终会实现的。”

说服性演讲的五个步骤

1、总结现象。总结现象即将各种由于缺乏某种观点、方法或者工具而造成的消极现象予以一一罗列。总结现象其实就是帮听众找到他的伤口。

2、指出问题。找出伤口后还得往伤口上再撒一把盐，这样听众才能真切地感受到伤口的存在以及伤口的严重性，这就是指出问题。问题一一指出后，听众就会急切地渴望得到问题的答案。

3、提供解决方案。提供解决方案其实就是给听众提供期待已久的'解药。对于听众来说，演讲者提供的解决方案就如久旱之后的甘露，几时而又充满魅力。

4、展示效果。为了使听众进一步相信自己的解决方案，演讲者还必须全面展示该解决方案的巨大成效，用事实来说话，使听众对自己的答案更加深信不疑。

5、鼓励行动。知而后行方为有效，所有的一切最终都落实在一个“行”字上。所以演讲的最后要鼓励听众拿出切实的行动来实施你给出的解决方案，不然整个演讲也就白费了。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第六篇

Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and xxx. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of xxx is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.

In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that xxx virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

Tonight, I represent an xxx community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, xxx is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,

“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward xxx in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to xxx, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word xxx. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of xxx firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “xxx” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

God bless the children, and God bless us all.

Good night.

范文讲解英语怎么说 第七篇

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

范文讲解英语怎么说 第八篇

Good evening, my fellow citizens，

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.

范文讲解英语怎么说 第九篇

一、有的放矢，迂回出击

当你的演讲有可能引起争议时，找准恰当的途径显得特别重要。途径不对头，就有可能导致听者的敌对情绪，不等你的话出口，你早已注定要立于失败的境地。路子选对了，你便能充分说服听者。这是一门最难掌握也是最有价值的交际艺术。首先，你应当了解你的听众。

一般来说，演讲的听众可以粗略地划分为三大类型。有的听众与你持有相同的观点;有的听众犹豫不决，处在观望之中;有的与你的观点相对。那些同意你观点的听众用不着你花力气去说服;那些犹豫不决的听众有可能被你清楚明了、令人信服的演讲改变立场。你面临的真正挑战无疑来自最后一类听众，因此你必须开动脑筋，设法让这部分人放弃自己的观点，站到你这边来。

然而，改变一个人的立场从来就是相当精细的工作。我们知道，谁都拥有自己引以为豪的观点。它们要么是经过多年的学习与经验积累而形成的，要么是拥有根深蒂固的情感根基。我们小时候在母亲怀抱里学到的那些知识会深深地扎根于我们的个性中。对于宗教、政治、民主及养儿育女等，大多数人都有自己独到的见解。同时，一些陈旧的观念使得我们很难对许多问题保持冷静而客观的看法，而在别人眼中它们看上去则像是一些偏见。但是，只要真正是我们自己的观点，我们就会认为它们是完全合理和令人满意的而抱住不放。正如溺爱孩子的父母不会轻易责备自己的小孩一样，我们对自己那些“珍贵”的观点也从来不大会看不顺眼。

如果你直截了当地面对面攻击一个人所拥有的“珍贵”观点，他的反应与你批评他小孩的反应一样，只能是反感。他会对你表示愤慨。他会全副武装，保护自己，对付你说的每一句话。他不但不会放弃自己的观点，而且相反还会像溺爱小孩的父母把自己的小孩抱得更紧那样，更加坚守自己的.立场。有关这一点，可以说是放之四海皆准的道理。

由此看来，演讲前你必须充分分析你的听众，依据实际情况选择最佳途径，把演讲的重点放在那些犹豫不决、摇摆不定，尤其是与你意见相左的听众身上，做到有的放矢。同时，你还必须正确面对听众自己已有的观点，不可因为它们与你的观点不一而开门见山地迎头痛击。

二、先退后进，变守为攻

演讲时，特别是当你的观点处于不利的境地，为了达到说服听众的目的，你不妨先有意识地退一步，肯定听众的观点有其合理性，然后在获得听众信任的基础上再寻找机会，通过摆事实、讲道理等方法巧妙地提出你的观点，变退为进，化守为攻，从而最终有力地说服听众。在《裘利斯?凯撒》一剧中，戏剧大师莎士比亚为我们描述了一个极好的例子。

公元前44年3月15日，罗马统帅裘利斯?凯撒在元老院被罗马元老贵族刺杀，为首的是深受他信任的勃鲁托斯。作为主谋，勃鲁托斯做了恶人还先告状。他跑到街上公共讲坛上，大谈杀死凯撒的必要性，极力为自己开脱罪责;同时，又信誓旦旦地把自己装扮成正人君子的模样。听了了勃鲁托斯的演讲，群情沸腾了，他们认为杀死凯撒是件大快人心的事，勃鲁托斯为民除害是英雄。请看此时玛克?安东尼是怎样说服听众让听众接受他的观点的。

面对勃鲁托斯蛊惑人心的演说，面对群情激愤、不明真相的市民，安东尼心里清楚，在此时此地，他既不能马上歌颂凯撒又不能一上讲坛就立即攻击勃鲁托斯。于是，他开场便说：“我是来埋藏凯撒，不是来赞美他。”接着，他又开始赞扬勃鲁托斯，称他为“尊贵的勃鲁托斯”“正人君子”。这样的话无疑适合当时的气氛，不会引起听众的反感而遭到他们的反对。然后，他抓住机会，有计划、有步骤地把市民的心拉向自己的一边。他说：

现在我得到勃鲁托斯和另外几位的允许――因为勃鲁托斯是正人君子，他们也都是正人君子――特到这儿来，在凯撒的丧礼中说几句话。他是我的朋友，他对我是那么忠诚公正;然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯是一个正人君子。他曾经带许多俘虏回到罗马来，他们的赎金都充实了公家的财库，这可以说是野心者的行径吗?穷苦的人哀哭的时候，凯撒曾经为他们流泪，野心者是不应当这样仁慈的，然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯却是一个正人君子。你们大家看见在卢柏克节的那天，我三次献给他一顶王冠，他三次都拒绝了，这难道是有野心吗?然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯的的确确是一个正人君子……

安东尼摆出一个一个的事实，来讴歌凯撒的丰功伟绩，一层一层地剥去勃鲁托斯身上的画皮，在场的市民开始为安东尼的话打动，觉得他说得有道理，认为凯撒死得冤枉。这时，安东尼不失时机地改变自己的被动地位，由守变为攻。他拿出一张羊皮纸，那是凯撒的遗嘱。在宣读遗嘱前，他走下讲坛，叫在场的市民围绕在凯撒的尸体四周。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十篇

1. Merry Christmas vs Happy Christmas

Merry Christmas and Happy Christmas are both greetings used during the last part of December, around Christmastime. The first word of each is only capitalized when used as a greeting. When one is speaking of a happy or merry Christmas, the adjectives are lowercase.

Merry Christmas began as a saying in the 1500s. It was recorded in a letter as a wish that God would send the recipient a “merry Christmas”. It was solidified as a capitalized greeting by Charles Dickens in his great work A Christmas Carol.

Queen Elizabeth II, for whatever reason, did not use Dickens’ phrase. Instead, she used the phrase Happy Christmas in her broadcasts to her subjects. After her use, the term gained popularity and is still the most common form in Great Britain and Ireland.

There is debate whether or not the greeting has religious meaning and whether a more generic Happy Holidays should be used instead to respect non-Christian views. Be aware of your audience when choosing the correct phrase.

2. There is more than just Christianity Listen, if there was ONLY Christianity allowed in this country, then sure...it would be fine to say “Merry Christmas” to everyone. But the fact of the matter is that there are many other faiths in America, as well as some atheists and agnostics.

If you are Christian, go ahead and say “Merry Christmas” to every Tom, Dick and Jane you meet. Just don't claim you're being “persecuted” when the person responds with a different religious greeting instead!

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十一篇

Things: leave something about learning, move things, pack things, put things right with the things he carries. These two things are the same in appearance, but different in essence. You use that thing to make this thing, this thing: https://picwensosocom/pqpic/wenwenpic/0/png/0.

中文翻译：

thing[θɪŋ][θɪŋ]n事物：留下关于学习的东西，移动东西，打包东西，把东西摆正他携带的东西，这两件东西在外表上是一样的，但本质上不同，你用那东西来做这个东西，这个东西：https://picwensosocom/pqpic/wenwenpic/0/png/0。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十二篇

The Dragon Boat Festival is a lunar holiday, occurring on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month

The Chinese Dragon Boat Festival is a significant holiday celebrated in China, and the one with the longest history. The Dragon Boat Festival is celebrated by boat races in the shape of dragons. Competing teams row their boats forward to a drumbeat racing to reach the finish end first.

The boat races during the Dragon Boat Festival are traditional customs to attempts to rescue the patriotic poet Chu Yuan. Chu Yuan drowned on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month in 277 . Chinese citizens now throw bamboo leaves filled with cooked rice into the water. Therefore the fish could eat the rice rather than the hero poet. This later on turned into the custom of eating tzungtzu and rice dumplings. The celebrations is a time for protection from evil and disease for the rest of the year. It is done so by different practices such as hanging healthy herbs on the front door, drinking nutritious concoctions, and displaying portraits of evils nemesis, Chung Kuei. If one manages to stand an egg on its end at exactly 12：00 noon, the following year will be a lucky one.

Notesignificant：重要的 drumbeat：鼓声，打鼓 patriotic：爱国的concoction：调和物 nemesis：报应风俗习惯

Dragon Boat race Traditions At the center of this festival are the dragon boat races. Competing teams drive their colorful dragon boats forward to the rhythm of beating drums. These exciting races were inspired by the villagers valiant attempts to rescue Chu Yuan from the Mi Lo river. This tradition has remained unbroken for centuries.

Tzung Tzu A very popular dish during the Dragon Boat festival is tzung tzu. This tasty dish consists of rice dumplings with meat, peanut, egg yolk, or other fillings wrapped in bamboo leaves. The tradition of tzung tzu is meant to remind us of the village fishermen scattering rice across the water of the Mi Low river in order to appease the river dragons so that they would not devour Chu Yuan.

Ay Taso The time of year of the Dragon Boat Festival, the fifth lunar moon, has more significance than just the story of Chu Yuan. Many Chinese consider this time of year an especially dangerous time when extra efforts must be made to protect their family from illness. Families will hang various herbs, called Ay Tsao, on their door for protection. The drinking of realgar wine is thought to remove poisons from the body. Hsiang Bao are also worn. These sachets contain various fragrant medicinal herbs thought to protect the wearer from illness.

风俗习惯端午节最重要的活动是龙舟竞赛，比赛的队伍在热烈的鼓声中划著他们多彩的龙舟前进。这项活动的灵感是来自於当时汨罗江畔的居民，在江中划船救屈原，而这个传统也一直保持了数个世纪。在端午节时受欢迎的食物就是粽子，粽子是以米包著肉、花生、蛋黄及其他材料，再以竹叶包裹。而粽子的传统则来由於汨罗江边的渔夫，将米丢入江中平息江中的蛟龙，希望他们不要将屈原吃掉。农历的五月，也就是端午节的这个时节，对中国人而言，除了屈原的故事还有许多其他重要的意义。许多中国人相信五月是一年中容易引发疾病的危险时节，因此必须有许多防备家人生病的措施。许多家庭会将一种特别的植物-艾草挂在门口，作为保护之用，而人们也会挂带香包，它是以含有多种香味的药用植物所做成，也可以保护人们远离疾病。

Traditions/Vocabulary race比赛(名词)

The races were very exciting because the cars were very fast and loud.那个比赛非常刺激，因为那些车子非常的快速而且大声。

competing竞争的(形容词)

All of the competing race car drivers are very skilled.所有竞争的赛车选手都有高超的技术。rhythm节奏(名词)

I like to dance to the rhythm of this music.我喜欢随著音乐的节奏跳舞。

inspire启发灵感(动词)

The beautiful scenery inspired me to write this song.这美丽的风景启发我写这首歌曲的灵感

villager村民、乡民(名词)

During our travels we found the villagers to be very friendly and helpful.在我们的旅程中，我发现乡民们非常友善及热心。

valiant英勇的(形容词)

The valiant hero saved the little girls life.那个英勇的英雄拯救了小女孩的生命。

remain 留下、保持原状(动词)

he had completed the report.他留在办公室直到完成报告。

Tzung Tzu粽子(名词)

He ate so much Tzung Tzu that he became sick.他因为吃太多粽子而感到身体不适。

wrap包裹(动词)

She wrapped the Christmas presents with colorful paper.他用彩色的纸包裹圣诞礼物。

The man is scattering seeds on the grass for the birds to eat.那个男人将种子洒在地上给鸟吃。

devour狼吞虎咽的吃，吃光(动词)

The lion devoured the food.那只狮子狼吞虎咽的吃那些食物。

significance重要性(名词)

Do you understand the significance of this story？你知道这个故事的重要性吗？

Ay Tsao艾草(名词)

Every year my family hangs Ay Tsao on their front door.每年我的家人都会挂艾草在前门。

Hsiang Bao香包(名词)

The children love to collect the colorful Hsiang Bao.小孩喜欢?集鲜艳的香包。

People drink realgar wine to protect themselves from illness.人们喝雄黄酒保护自己免於生病。

sachet香包、香袋

The sachets are very fragrant.那些香包很香。

Those flowers are very fragrant. 那些花很香。

[端午节历史的英语解说]

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十三篇

即兴演讲的特点

即兴演讲，运用广泛，长处颇多，作用巨大，其特点主要表现在:

1、话题集中，针对性强

一般是对近期或眼前情况有感而发的，因此话题内容选取角度较小，说明议论求准，求精，求新。

2、相互制约，听说并行

即兴说话多半是现场有感而发，灵感常常来自听众、观众席上。交谈中，必须使自己的话与对方的话相呼应，否则会驴唇不对马嘴，导致交谈的失败。

3、随兴而发，针对性强

即兴交谈常常是而对而接触后才开始进行的，不能事先做好准备，思考时间短，出语速度快，交谈者必须听辨灵敏，临场引发，快速组话，否则会使交谈出现不顺利。

4、形式自然，灵活多变

即兴演讲即兴演讲即兴演讲即兴演讲有时没有明确的中心，只是自然而然地任意表述着各种话题;有时有中心，但由于受时间、地点和交谈对象的变化，不得不改变话题，改变表达方式。

5、临场发挥，直陈己见

不像命题演讲事先拟好讲稿，也不像辩论演讲事先进行模拟训练，演讲者往往是当场打腹稿，即席讲话;说情况，讲道理，表看法，提意见很少绕弯子，切忌观点模棱两可，晦涩艰深，令人不知所云。

6、生动活泼，短小精悍

即兴演讲贴近生活实际，短小精悍，简明扼要(时间上一般控制在1—5分钟之内，有的甚至只有一句简短的话)，亲切感人。具有思想性，趣味性，知识性，忌讳冗长杂散，罗嗦重复，不着边际的官话空话。

论辩演讲的主要特点

1、竞争性

一般的演讲是一种个人的单向演讲行为，演讲的目的在于宣传自己的观点，表达自己的感情，以取得听众的理解和支持。而论辩演讲则是双方针锋相对的较量，主要目的是造成“你错我对”的结果，从而战胜或者说服对方。

2、理论性

论辩双方为了在论战中形成自己的强大的说服力和论辩优势，都必须诉诸逻辑思维，致力于对辩题的理性发掘和完美论证。因而使论辩的内容具有理论上的深刻性和系统性，甚至能迸发出创造性的思想火花。从而产生具有无可辩驳的论辩锋芒和震撼人心的理性力量。

3、雄辩性

论辩演讲区别于命题演讲和即兴演讲，最本质的特点是对立双方不同观点的辩驳，表现强烈的针锋相对和直接抗衡。论辩双方都力求用最鲜明的论题，最充分的论据、最有力的论证，来树立已方的论点而驳倒对方的论点，针锋相对，穷理竭智，雄谈阔论，信心十足，具有极强的雄辩性和论战性。

4、即兴性

论辩不同于一般演讲，如命题演讲可以按事先准备好的较为理想的讲稿去讲，但论辩不能这样。虽然，论辩也应当有充分的准备。可是，由于论辩是双方面对面的口头交锋，对方如何阐述论点，运用什么样的论据，怎样进行论证，以及提出什么样的问题、驳诘，都是不能预先知道的。因此，在论辩过程中，双方都必须根据论辩所处的特定的情形，考虑辩驳内容，组织口头语言;既要能够有理有据，形成凌厉的攻势，又要能机智巧妙，显示出赛场的风度。这就决定了论辩活动具有极强的即兴性，要求论辩者具有过人的临场应对才能和思辩灵活的口才。

另外，随着时代的发展人类的政治、经济、军事的竞争越来越激烈，为了求得认识的一致，为了辩析是非曲直，上自联合国讲坛，下至街头巷尾;大到国际争端的调解，小到商务活动的谈判，都需要进行论辩演讲。于是论辩演讲这个古老的语言艺术，在当今的年代又焕发出青春，而且越来越具有竞争的色彩。

论辩的基本技法

论辩的取胜之道全在一个“巧”字，就是针对敌论的破绽，恰当的运用论辩技法，一矢中的，达到以巧破千斤的效果，致论敌于“死”地。要做到这一点，非掌握一些常用的论辩技法不可。

一诠释法。即通过揭示概念或论题的含义进行论辩的方法。

二类比法。类比法是通过两个或两类事物的一些属性相同，推出他们的其他属性也相同的逻辑方法。这是反驳对方命题时常用的一种方法。

三归谬法。即先假定对方的错误论题是正确的，然后以这种假设为充分条件，推出一个显然荒谬的结论，从结论的荒谬中，必然显现对方论题的荒谬性的反驳方法。

四证明法。人们常说：“事实胜于雄辩”，确凿、客观、公正的事实或数字，往往具有很强的说服力。在论辩中，有时并不需要过多的逻辑技巧，只消把事实或数字一摆，是非一目了然。

五反例法。反例，就是与论点相反的例子。而对武断的错误的论断，若能举出与错误论断相矛盾的事例来，而事例又是众所周知或举世公认的事实，这无疑是对错误论断的毁灭性的打击。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十四篇

The son / daughter of a boomerang a son / daughter of a boomerang a group of children raised by children s dependent on returnees children dependent children - a recent portrait of the Manitoba Law Reform Commission is the dependence on children, who live at home, rely on their elderly parents to provide them with shelter, food, and money for the abuse of the elderly Little is known about birth rate, occurrence or relationship of various forms.

中文翻译：

一个回旋镖的儿子/女儿一个回旋镖的儿子/女儿一个依靠儿童抚养的成年儿童团体依赖返回者儿童成年受抚养的儿童-马尼托巴法律改革委员会最近的一幅肖像画是依赖成年儿童，他们住在家里，依靠年迈的父母为他们提供住所、食物，而金钱对于老人的发生率、各种形式的发生或关系知之甚少。

范文讲解英语怎么说 第十五篇

初中班主任评优展示性演讲

尊敬的各位领导，老师们：

大家好！我是来自##中学初三毕业班的班主任####。自1992年进入教育系统以来，始终从事班主任工作，连续五年担任初三班主任。的班主任经验告诉我：只有用一颗真爱之心教育引导学生，更多地关注学生弱势群体，才能促进班级健康发展，引导孩子成人成才，托起明天的太阳和祖国未来的希望。

但我知道，转化一个孩子缺点、塑造一个孩子的心灵还需要持之以恒的努力，还需要长期的`关爱和帮助。由于天气炎热，张凯的鼻血汩汩地流了出来，我领他到水管清洗，还用自己的手绢帮他擦脸。他用感激的眼神看着我，终于彻底消除了敌意，对我说了“谢谢”。()以后的日子里，我抓住教育时机，趁热打铁，上课经常提问他简单的问题，随时给予公开表扬，激励他不断进步；课下也经常找他交流，当着众多老师的面，给予热情鼓励。他对班级活动表现的更加积极了，上课也主动回答问题了。

这件小事让我体会到：所有的孩子都是明天的太阳，所有的学生都是未来的希望，班主任应当用真心塑造孩子心灵，用爱心托起明天的太阳。用教育家苏霍姆林斯基的一句话说就是：没有爱，就没有教育。真爱可以改变学生的一生！